Đất nước Nhật Bản những ngày gần đây đang phải oằn mình chống chọi với những thảm họa của động đất, sóng thần cùng với sự cố phóng xạ hạt nhân. Toàn thế giới đang hướng về xứ sở hoa anh đào với sự cảm thông và sẵn sàng chia sẻ. Nhưng vượt lên tất cả những đau thương, tổn thất đó, là một tinh thần Nhật Bản làm thức tỉnh lương tri nhân loại.
Friday, April 1, 2011
01/04 Bình luận: Nhật Bản – Cơn địa chấn thức tỉnh lương tri nhân loại
Đất nước Nhật Bản những ngày gần đây đang phải oằn mình chống chọi với những thảm họa của động đất, sóng thần cùng với sự cố phóng xạ hạt nhân. Toàn thế giới đang hướng về xứ sở hoa anh đào với sự cảm thông và sẵn sàng chia sẻ. Nhưng vượt lên tất cả những đau thương, tổn thất đó, là một tinh thần Nhật Bản làm thức tỉnh lương tri nhân loại.
31/03 Vietnam Persecutes Christian Minority, Report Says
Vietnam Persecutes Christian Minority, Report Says
By SETH MYDANS
Published: March 31, 2011
BANGKOK — Vietnam has increased repression of indigenous minority Christians in the country’s Central Highlands, closing small informal churches, compelling public renunciations of faith and arresting worshipers, Human Rights Watch said in a report on Thursday.The hill tribe minorities, known as Montagnards, are traditionally animist but have been converted to Christianity in large numbers over the past half-century. Culturally and ethnically distinct from the majority lowland Vietnamese, the believers worship clandestinely in informal settings known as house churches, which are illegal under Vietnamese law.
30/03 Chuyện sao: Ngọc Quyên – 12 tấm ảnh nude gây nhiều tranh cãi
Chuyện sao: Ngọc Quyên – 12 tấm ảnh nude gây nhiều tranh cãi
On the net
Ngọc Quyên – 12 tấm ảnh nude gây nhiều tranh cãi
Người mẫu: Ngọc Quyên
Ảnh: Tô Thanh Nghiệp
Link: http://ione.net/tin-tuc/thoi-trang/2011/03/7280-ngoc-quyen-chup-anh-nude-cuc-bao/page_1.html
Filed under: Siêu mẫu Việt Thẻ: | ảnh nude, ngọc quyên, ngọc quyên nude
30/03 Bộ ảnh: Ngọc Diệp in bikini – Khoe dáng với những đường cong hoàn hảo
Bộ ảnh: Ngọc Diệp in bikini – Khoe dáng với những đường cong hoàn hảo
On the net
Ngọc Diệp in bikini – Khoe dáng với những đường cong hoàn hảo
Theo kenh14.vn
Filed under: Siêu mẫu Việt Thẻ: | ngọc diệp
31/03 Bộ ảnh: Maya – Giai nhân Hà Dũng múa cột khoe vòng 1 quyến rũ
Bộ ảnh: Maya – Giai nhân Hà Dũng múa cột khoe vòng 1 quyến rũ
On the net
Maya – Giai nhân Hà Dũng múa cột khoe vòng 1 quyến rũ
Maya tập luyện cùng huấn luyện viên Yossy. Ngoài Maya, một số người đẹp showbiz cũng tham gia học múa cột thể hình như Vietnam’s Next Top Model Huyền Trang, Á hậu Hoàng My, người mẫu Diệp Anh…
Theo ngoisao.net
Filed under: Showbiz Việt Thẻ: | giai nhân hà dũng, maya dinh, múa cột
30/03 In Mexico City, Kissing Tells of More Than Romance
MEXICO CITY JOURNAL
In Mexico City, Kissing Tells of More Than Romance
By DAMIEN CAVE
Published: March 30, 2011
MEXICO CITY — Armando Ruiz and Verónica Villafuerte held each other tight, cuddling, caressing, stretched out on a bench in the middle of a busy promenade here. Nearby, just past a couple deep kissing in the grass, a man toyed with the buttons of his paramour’s blouse.
Related
Times Topic: Kissing
Children played all around. Cars passed. No one cared.
“It’s a little more open now,” Mr. Ruiz said after sitting up. “We can enjoy ourselves.”
In Havana or Rio de Janeiro, well, big deal. But historically this has been a city of formalities, of long-sleeved shirts, not skin-tight skirts. Blushing has generally been the response to overt sexuality, along with a lexicon of double entendres to mask X-rated desires with banal words, like “coger” (which, officially speaking, means to grab).
And yet, despite such reserve — or perhaps because of it — public affection has increasingly become a symbol of what experts describe as a city learning to loosen up. Government officials here now boast about having some of Latin America’s most liberal laws on abortion and same-sex marriage. Meanwhile, sex shops can now be found in even the fanciest neighborhoods; oh, and this month, Mexico City played host to a five-day sex entertainment show that drew 120,000 fans — placing it among the biggest sex fairs in the world.
“What’s happening is that the undercurrent is becoming more official,” said Luis Perelman, president of the Mexican federation for sexuality education and sexology. “We’re seeing less doublespeak.”
But if there is less embarrassment and shame, as Mr. Perelman and others argue, why now?
That seems to depend on which Mexico one sees: the romantic, or the dismal.
Demographers — optimists in this case — see links between coupling and economics. Several studies have shown that compared with a generation ago, Mexicans are having more sex at younger ages, a trend that generally tracks with Mexican economic expansion. Sex and affection, some Mexican demographers argue, tend to be signs of confidence, expressions of faith that opportunities await.
Salaries and culture also intertwine. Mexico’s growth has created a larger middle class that — in addition to opening up the country’s political process — has made technology and international media more accessible. The hookups on “Jersey Shore,” for instance, are now just as easy to see here as in Miami, while pornography can be downloaded at public parks with Wi-Fi.
The so-called love hotels, where local couples have canoodled for decades, can no longer keep sexuality hidden. “They see it all on TV or the Internet, so they no longer feel they are the only ones doing it,” Mr. Perelman said.
And, as Mr. Ruiz put it, “We don’t care as much about what other people think.”
Clearly, that seemed to be the case for a teenager at a mall recently, with his lips ardently attached to, of all things, the knee of his girlfriend; or for the man on a busy corner an hour later, passionately kissing a woman while wrapping his leg around her like an ivy vine.
But Mr. Ruiz and Ms. Villafuerte, who are both 40, may be more typical. They met three months ago while selling hats in an outdoor plaza, and in a year when the Mexican economy is expected to grow by 4 percent, after growing by 5.5 percent last year, they said they had taken an afternoon off to spend time together because they could afford to.
Neither looked particularly sensual. Mr. Ruiz wore round glasses below a shiny balding head; Ms. Villafuerte’s blue eyeliner was her only hint of provocation. But they both said that their affection reflected a positive shift.
“When we were young, people would point and gawk at you for this kind of thing,” Mr. Ruiz said. “Now, there’s more acceptance.”
Pride may be a better term. Two years ago, Mexico City actually beat the world record for simultaneous smooching when 39,897 people locked lips downtown.
Other couples, however, described public affection in more ominous terms. Mexico these days is essentially Jekyll and Hyde: positive economic growth is paired with a sprawling war on drug cartels that has claimed 34,000 lives since 2006.
For people like Paulina Pérez, 26, who was sitting on her boyfriend’s lap during a break from in-line skating in the upscale neighborhood of Polanco, public affection reflects not a spike in happiness, but rather a deficit of trust.
Mexicans, she said, have always drawn a line between formal relationships and relationships with those inside “their circle of confidence.” Hugs, kisses and warmth color the latter, while handshakes and a polite distance dominate the former.
This is generally what makes amorous Mexican couples stand out. “Public displays of affection draw attention precisely because of the disconnect with the general culture,” said Rubén Gallo, who edited The Mexico City Reader, a chronicle of the capital.
But the gap between the social spheres seems to be widening. While drug-related violence has made Mexicans more afraid of strangers, it has intensified their closest bonds, Ms. Pérez said. So the affection that looks to some like an opening — a more honest account of sexuality — may actually be, for others, a reflection of turning inward to fight off despair.
“Affection is a way to forget,” Ms. Pérez said. “You forget your problems, and you live.”
Her boyfriend, tapping her behind, said he agreed.
A version of this article appeared in print on March 31, 2011, on page A4 of the New York edition.
MEXICO CITY — Armando Ruiz and Verónica Villafuerte held each other tight, cuddling, caressing, stretched out on a bench in the middle of a busy promenade here. Nearby, just past a couple deep kissing in the grass, a man toyed with the buttons of his paramour’s blouse.
Related
Times Topic: Kissing
Children played all around. Cars passed. No one cared.
“It’s a little more open now,” Mr. Ruiz said after sitting up. “We can enjoy ourselves.”
In Havana or Rio de Janeiro, well, big deal. But historically this has been a city of formalities, of long-sleeved shirts, not skin-tight skirts. Blushing has generally been the response to overt sexuality, along with a lexicon of double entendres to mask X-rated desires with banal words, like “coger” (which, officially speaking, means to grab).
And yet, despite such reserve — or perhaps because of it — public affection has increasingly become a symbol of what experts describe as a city learning to loosen up. Government officials here now boast about having some of Latin America’s most liberal laws on abortion and same-sex marriage. Meanwhile, sex shops can now be found in even the fanciest neighborhoods; oh, and this month, Mexico City played host to a five-day sex entertainment show that drew 120,000 fans — placing it among the biggest sex fairs in the world.
“What’s happening is that the undercurrent is becoming more official,” said Luis Perelman, president of the Mexican federation for sexuality education and sexology. “We’re seeing less doublespeak.”
But if there is less embarrassment and shame, as Mr. Perelman and others argue, why now?
That seems to depend on which Mexico one sees: the romantic, or the dismal.
Demographers — optimists in this case — see links between coupling and economics. Several studies have shown that compared with a generation ago, Mexicans are having more sex at younger ages, a trend that generally tracks with Mexican economic expansion. Sex and affection, some Mexican demographers argue, tend to be signs of confidence, expressions of faith that opportunities await.
Salaries and culture also intertwine. Mexico’s growth has created a larger middle class that — in addition to opening up the country’s political process — has made technology and international media more accessible. The hookups on “Jersey Shore,” for instance, are now just as easy to see here as in Miami, while pornography can be downloaded at public parks with Wi-Fi.
The so-called love hotels, where local couples have canoodled for decades, can no longer keep sexuality hidden. “They see it all on TV or the Internet, so they no longer feel they are the only ones doing it,” Mr. Perelman said.
And, as Mr. Ruiz put it, “We don’t care as much about what other people think.”
Clearly, that seemed to be the case for a teenager at a mall recently, with his lips ardently attached to, of all things, the knee of his girlfriend; or for the man on a busy corner an hour later, passionately kissing a woman while wrapping his leg around her like an ivy vine.
But Mr. Ruiz and Ms. Villafuerte, who are both 40, may be more typical. They met three months ago while selling hats in an outdoor plaza, and in a year when the Mexican economy is expected to grow by 4 percent, after growing by 5.5 percent last year, they said they had taken an afternoon off to spend time together because they could afford to.
Neither looked particularly sensual. Mr. Ruiz wore round glasses below a shiny balding head; Ms. Villafuerte’s blue eyeliner was her only hint of provocation. But they both said that their affection reflected a positive shift.
“When we were young, people would point and gawk at you for this kind of thing,” Mr. Ruiz said. “Now, there’s more acceptance.”
Pride may be a better term. Two years ago, Mexico City actually beat the world record for simultaneous smooching when 39,897 people locked lips downtown.
Other couples, however, described public affection in more ominous terms. Mexico these days is essentially Jekyll and Hyde: positive economic growth is paired with a sprawling war on drug cartels that has claimed 34,000 lives since 2006.
For people like Paulina Pérez, 26, who was sitting on her boyfriend’s lap during a break from in-line skating in the upscale neighborhood of Polanco, public affection reflects not a spike in happiness, but rather a deficit of trust.
Mexicans, she said, have always drawn a line between formal relationships and relationships with those inside “their circle of confidence.” Hugs, kisses and warmth color the latter, while handshakes and a polite distance dominate the former.
This is generally what makes amorous Mexican couples stand out. “Public displays of affection draw attention precisely because of the disconnect with the general culture,” said Rubén Gallo, who edited The Mexico City Reader, a chronicle of the capital.
But the gap between the social spheres seems to be widening. While drug-related violence has made Mexicans more afraid of strangers, it has intensified their closest bonds, Ms. Pérez said. So the affection that looks to some like an opening — a more honest account of sexuality — may actually be, for others, a reflection of turning inward to fight off despair.
“Affection is a way to forget,” Ms. Pérez said. “You forget your problems, and you live.”
Her boyfriend, tapping her behind, said he agreed.
A version of this article appeared in print on March 31, 2011, on page A4 of the New York edition.
31/03 Clip sex: Nữ sinh ĐH Thủy Sản Nha Trang bị phát tán trên mạng
Clip sex: Nữ sinh ĐH Thủy Sản Nha Trang bị phát tán trên mạng
On the net
Vài ngày nay một số diễn đàn và website liên tục đăng tải đoạn clip dài hơn 20 phút ghi lại cảnh quan hệ giữa một cặp trai gái. Theo thông tin được đăng tải cả 2 nhân vật trong clip này đều là sinh viên của trường đại học thủy sản Nha Trang. Clip không thua kém gì clip của sinh viên Hà Nội mà chúng ta đã biết tới trong thời gian qua .
Clip sex: Nữ sinh ĐH Thủy Sản Nha Trang bị phát tán trên mạng
Khi vụ lộ clip sex của sinh viên Hà Nội vừa lắng xuống thì mới đây một clip sex nghi là của nữ sinh ĐH Thủy sản Nha Trang lại được tung lên mang.
Clip sex nghi là của nữ sinh ĐH Thủy sản Nha Trang mới được tung lên mạng bao gồm 2 phần khiến cho mọi người không khỏi “choáng” vì độ bạo dạn của 2 nhân vật trong clip. Nhiều bạn đọc phản hồi clip này cũng không thua kém gì clip của 2 sinh viên Hà Nội.
Đoạn cuối của clip còn có những đoạn nữ sinh nói: “em ghét mập..vv..” nên nhiều bạn tin rằng clip này chắc chắn là của nữ sinh Việt Nam chứ không phải là đoạn clip của nước ngoài “giả dạng”.
Sau clip sex của đôi sinh viên tại Hà Nội, clip nữ sinh dùng gậy “phang” bạn như giang hồ tại Nam Định thì clip này lại khiến cho mọi người thêm một lần không khỏi “nhíu mày” vì sự quá trớn của nữ sinh ngày nay.
Tuy chưa chứng thực là clip có thực sự xuất phát từ Nha Trang hay không nhưng theo một số bạn đọc trên diễn đàn Nha Trang thì clip này là có thực, thậm chí còn khẳng định đây là sinh viên trường đại học tại Nha Trang.
Tuy nhiên, dù clip này có xuất xứ từ đâu thì lại một lần nữa các bạn trẻ cần phải tự “cảnh tỉnh” về lối sống buông thả, quá trớn của bản thân.
Tổng hợp Govn
Filed under: Pháp luật xã hội Thẻ: | clip sex, nữ sinh nha trang
31/03 Ohio’s Anti-Union Law Is Tougher Than Wisconsin’s
NEWS ANALYSIS
Ohio’s Anti-Union Law Is Tougher Than Wisconsin’s
By STEVEN GREENHOUSE
Published: March 31, 2011
After Wisconsin’s labor battle seized the nation’s attention, after nearly 100,000 people rallied in Madison to protest a bill to curb public-sector collective bargaining, the Ohio legislature has, with far less fanfare, enacted a bill perhaps even tougher on unions.
Scott Heckel/The Repository, via Associated Press
Related
Ohio Senate Approves Union Bill(March 3, 2011)
Wisconsin: Judge Again Halts Law Stripping Union Rights (April 1, 2011)
It is perhaps surprising that Ohio faced more limited public demonstrations considering that its bill, which Gov.John R. Kasich signed Thursday, goes further than Wisconsin’s in several important ways.
While both laws severely limit public employees’ ability to bargain collectively — they both prohibit any bargaining over health coverage and pensions — the Ohio law largely eliminates bargaining for the police and firefighters. Wisconsin’s law leaves those two groups’ bargaining rights untouched. Ohio’s law also gives city councils and school boards a free hand to unilaterally impose their side’s final contract offer when management and union fail to reach a settlement.
Notwithstanding the differences in legislation, the push by those states’ Republican governors and Republican-dominated legislatures points to a pendulum swing away from what many unions and Democrats see as a fundamental right for public employees: the right to bargain over wages and benefits.
Moreover, at a time of huge budget deficits and of Republican dominance in many states, including states like Ohio and Wisconsin where unions once had swaggering power, the pendulum has swung toward the taxpayer instead of the government workers paid by the taxpayer. And after five decades in which public-sector unions have grown far stronger in membership and political power, Mr. Kasich and Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin seem intent on checking their rise.
State Senator Shannon Jones, a Republican and chief sponsor of the Ohio law, said curbing collective bargaining made sense when so many states, cities, counties and school districts faced daunting budget deficits. She said the law would help public employers hold down compensation costs, especially soaring health and pension costs, as a way to minimize any layoffs and reductions in public services, whether police patrols or garbage collections.
“The economy has changed fundamentally,” Ms. Jones said. “Not only families and business have to change to adapt to tougher economic circumstances, but governments have to adapt, too.”
Many Democrats and labor leaders said the law was an effort to balance state and local budgets on the backs of Ohio’s 360,000 public employees. They argue that the driving force behind the law was ideological and political. “It’s a politically motivated effort to weaken and destroy the unions that the leaders of the Republican Party perceive as their biggest political opponents,” said William Leibensperger, vice president of the Ohio Education Association, which represents 130,000 teachers and other school employees.
William Even, an economics professor at Miami University of Ohio, said the law resulted from another difference between the parties. “There’s a definite philosophical disagreement between the Republicans and Democrats about what unions do to the efficiency of government operations and whether unions have led to overcompensation for public workers.”
When the Ohio Senate approved the bill Wednesday night, 17 to 16, all 17 supporters were Republicans, and when the Ohio House passed it earlier Wednesday, 53 to 44, all of the supporters were Republicans.
In Ohio, as in Wisconsin, mayors, school superintendents and county executives are already thinking through how to use the legislation to hold down public employees’ raises and health costs. At the same time, in Ohio, as in Wisconsin, Democrats and union members are maneuvering to overturn the legislation.
In Ohio, union leaders plan to dispatch rank-and-file members around the state to collect signatures to trigger a referendum. And in Wisconsin — in addition to a lawsuit that has resulted in a court order temporarily suspending the anti-union law for violating the open meetings act — unions have collected tens of thousands of signatures to hold recall elections aimed at ousting a half-dozen Republican state senators, as a first step to repeal the law.
Ohio political and union leaders say there were fewer protests than in Wisconsin because Governor Walker moved first, making him and Madison a lighting rod. Moreover, Madison has a famously liberal university and Wisconsin was the home of the progressive movement. Still, Ohio unions boast that their biggest rally in Columbus attracted 20,000, just a fraction of Madison’s weekly Saturday rallies.
The Wisconsin law is in ways tougher toward unions — it bars any public employer from deducting workers’ dues from their paychecks and forwarding it to union treasuries. It is also requires a vote each year to determine whether government workers want to keep their union.
Both states would let government employees opt out of paying any union dues or fees.
The Wisconsin law generally limits raises to the Consumer Price Index, although under the Ohio legislation if a public employer accepts the union’s contract offer and if that forces a community to raise taxes to pay for it, then voters can overturn the contract through a referendum.
“It’s pretty much evisceration of collective bargaining in both states,” said James Brudney, an Ohio State law professor.
Louis W. Blessing, a Republican House member who represents Cincinnati, said his party had pushed for the law at the behest of taxpayers who feel public unions have become too powerful, their pensions too generous. “We’re trying to level the playing field between the two parties, between the taxpayer and the unions,” he said. But Mr. Blessing acknowledged that political motivations also came into play. “It’s clear the unions support the Democrats,” he said. “I’m sure that made it easier to pass.”
Governor Kasich has repeatedly said the law would give communities the tools they need to hold down labor costs to help reduce layoffs. For instance, Ohio’s office of collective bargaining estimates that replacing statutory step pay increases with merit pay will save the state $75 million a year and local governments $393 million a year.
Armond Budish, the Ohio House Democratic leader, said, “This bill is an effort to camouflage the pain that the governor’s huge budget cuts are going to cause.”
A version of this news analysis appeared in print on April 1, 2011, on page A16 of the New York edition.
After Wisconsin’s labor battle seized the nation’s attention, after nearly 100,000 people rallied in Madison to protest a bill to curb public-sector collective bargaining, the Ohio legislature has, with far less fanfare, enacted a bill perhaps even tougher on unions.
Scott Heckel/The Repository, via Associated Press
Related
Ohio Senate Approves Union Bill(March 3, 2011)
Wisconsin: Judge Again Halts Law Stripping Union Rights (April 1, 2011)
It is perhaps surprising that Ohio faced more limited public demonstrations considering that its bill, which Gov.John R. Kasich signed Thursday, goes further than Wisconsin’s in several important ways.
While both laws severely limit public employees’ ability to bargain collectively — they both prohibit any bargaining over health coverage and pensions — the Ohio law largely eliminates bargaining for the police and firefighters. Wisconsin’s law leaves those two groups’ bargaining rights untouched. Ohio’s law also gives city councils and school boards a free hand to unilaterally impose their side’s final contract offer when management and union fail to reach a settlement.
Notwithstanding the differences in legislation, the push by those states’ Republican governors and Republican-dominated legislatures points to a pendulum swing away from what many unions and Democrats see as a fundamental right for public employees: the right to bargain over wages and benefits.
Moreover, at a time of huge budget deficits and of Republican dominance in many states, including states like Ohio and Wisconsin where unions once had swaggering power, the pendulum has swung toward the taxpayer instead of the government workers paid by the taxpayer. And after five decades in which public-sector unions have grown far stronger in membership and political power, Mr. Kasich and Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin seem intent on checking their rise.
State Senator Shannon Jones, a Republican and chief sponsor of the Ohio law, said curbing collective bargaining made sense when so many states, cities, counties and school districts faced daunting budget deficits. She said the law would help public employers hold down compensation costs, especially soaring health and pension costs, as a way to minimize any layoffs and reductions in public services, whether police patrols or garbage collections.
“The economy has changed fundamentally,” Ms. Jones said. “Not only families and business have to change to adapt to tougher economic circumstances, but governments have to adapt, too.”
Many Democrats and labor leaders said the law was an effort to balance state and local budgets on the backs of Ohio’s 360,000 public employees. They argue that the driving force behind the law was ideological and political. “It’s a politically motivated effort to weaken and destroy the unions that the leaders of the Republican Party perceive as their biggest political opponents,” said William Leibensperger, vice president of the Ohio Education Association, which represents 130,000 teachers and other school employees.
William Even, an economics professor at Miami University of Ohio, said the law resulted from another difference between the parties. “There’s a definite philosophical disagreement between the Republicans and Democrats about what unions do to the efficiency of government operations and whether unions have led to overcompensation for public workers.”
When the Ohio Senate approved the bill Wednesday night, 17 to 16, all 17 supporters were Republicans, and when the Ohio House passed it earlier Wednesday, 53 to 44, all of the supporters were Republicans.
In Ohio, as in Wisconsin, mayors, school superintendents and county executives are already thinking through how to use the legislation to hold down public employees’ raises and health costs. At the same time, in Ohio, as in Wisconsin, Democrats and union members are maneuvering to overturn the legislation.
In Ohio, union leaders plan to dispatch rank-and-file members around the state to collect signatures to trigger a referendum. And in Wisconsin — in addition to a lawsuit that has resulted in a court order temporarily suspending the anti-union law for violating the open meetings act — unions have collected tens of thousands of signatures to hold recall elections aimed at ousting a half-dozen Republican state senators, as a first step to repeal the law.
Ohio political and union leaders say there were fewer protests than in Wisconsin because Governor Walker moved first, making him and Madison a lighting rod. Moreover, Madison has a famously liberal university and Wisconsin was the home of the progressive movement. Still, Ohio unions boast that their biggest rally in Columbus attracted 20,000, just a fraction of Madison’s weekly Saturday rallies.
The Wisconsin law is in ways tougher toward unions — it bars any public employer from deducting workers’ dues from their paychecks and forwarding it to union treasuries. It is also requires a vote each year to determine whether government workers want to keep their union.
Both states would let government employees opt out of paying any union dues or fees.
The Wisconsin law generally limits raises to the Consumer Price Index, although under the Ohio legislation if a public employer accepts the union’s contract offer and if that forces a community to raise taxes to pay for it, then voters can overturn the contract through a referendum.
“It’s pretty much evisceration of collective bargaining in both states,” said James Brudney, an Ohio State law professor.
Louis W. Blessing, a Republican House member who represents Cincinnati, said his party had pushed for the law at the behest of taxpayers who feel public unions have become too powerful, their pensions too generous. “We’re trying to level the playing field between the two parties, between the taxpayer and the unions,” he said. But Mr. Blessing acknowledged that political motivations also came into play. “It’s clear the unions support the Democrats,” he said. “I’m sure that made it easier to pass.”
Governor Kasich has repeatedly said the law would give communities the tools they need to hold down labor costs to help reduce layoffs. For instance, Ohio’s office of collective bargaining estimates that replacing statutory step pay increases with merit pay will save the state $75 million a year and local governments $393 million a year.
Armond Budish, the Ohio House Democratic leader, said, “This bill is an effort to camouflage the pain that the governor’s huge budget cuts are going to cause.”
A version of this news analysis appeared in print on April 1, 2011, on page A16 of the New York edition.
31/03 Thư giãn: Bản lĩnh đàn ông – Đổ đầy bình cho tao!!!
Thư giãn: Bản lĩnh đàn ông – Đổ đầy bình cho tao!!!
On the net
Đổ đầy bình cho tao!!!
Bản lĩnh đàn ông thời nay
Ở nước Mỹ : 1 thằng con trai phải biết dùng súng .
Ở nước Đức : 1 thằng con trai phải biết hách dịch và ko được sợ vợ .
Ở Hàn Quốc : Con trai phải sành điệu hơn con gái .
Ở Trung Quốc : 1 thằng con trai phải biết chơi game .
Nhưng tất cả vẫn chưa là gì với Việt Nam : 1 thằng con trai thì phải dám đâm thẳng vào hàng xăng rồi thét : Đổ đầy bình cho tao!!!
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31/03 Chuyện sao: Bebe Phạm – Lộ diện bộ ảnh nude khỏa thân cùng áo cưới
Chuyện sao: Bebe Phạm – Lộ diện bộ ảnh nude khỏa thân cùng áo cưới
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Hình ảnh Bebe Phạm – Khoe vòng 3 quyến rũ
Bộ ảnh nude Cô dâu nổi loạn của Bebe Phạm được thực hiện cách đây vài tháng nhưng cho đến giờ nhiếp ảnh gia Thành Nguyễn mới hoàn thành. Thực ra lý do bộ ảnh lâu ra mắt công chúng như vậy là do chúng quá hoàn hảo. Thành Nguyễn cho biết, anh đã băn khoăn quá lâu giữa để những bức ảnh nguyên bản ra mắt hay can thiệp một chút photoshop vào. Cuối cùng, anh quyết định, chỉ chỉnh sửa sáng tối một chút bởi hình thể và khả năng diễn xuất của Bebe Phạm đã quá tuyệt vời và bộ ảnh không cần chỉnh trang gì thêm.
Bebe Phạm nude… cùng áo cưới
Không khoe khuôn ngực căng tròn như các người mẫu khác, Bebe Phạm đánh gục mọi cái nhìn bởi những đường cong gợi cảm tuyệt đối nơi vòng 3.
Thực chất, chiếc áo cưới chỉ là phụ kiện để Bebe Phạm cùng nhiếp ảnh gia Thành Nguyễn cùng tung hứng cảm xúc cho bộ ảnh nude của cô người mẫu quốc tế này.
Bebe Phạm – Lộ diện bộ ảnh nude khỏa thân cùng áo cưới
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