Showing posts with label politic. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politic. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 6, 2012

Trí thức và chính trị


10:06-06/03/2012 
Vaslav Havel
Lời ban biên tập trang mạng Project Syndicat (Mĩ): Ông Václav Havel, vừa tạ thế ngày 18 tháng 12 (2011), là một trí thức hiếm hoi: không phải ông tìm cách chen chân vào chính trị mà chính trị đã đẩy ông vào con đường đó. Năm 1998, trong khi đang làm Tổng thống cộng hòa Czech, ông đã đưa ra những suy nghĩ sau đây về những cái lợi và mối nguy hiểm của nghề nghiệp của mình.

Một người trí thức – bằng những cố gắng của cá nhân mình đã thâm nhập vào bên dưới bề mặt của sự vật, để nắm được những mối quan hệ, nắm được nhân và quả, để công nhận rằng cá nhân chỉ là một phần của tồn tại rộng lớn hơn và từ đó có nhận thức sâu sắc hơn về thế giới và trách nhiệm trước thế giới – có thể làm chính trị được hay không?

Nói như thế, có cảm tưởng rằng tôi cho là trách nhiệm của người trí thức là tham gia hoạt động chính trị. Nhưng đấy là điều vô nghĩa. Hoạt động chính trị cần một loạt yêu cầu đặc biệt, chỉ liên quan đến nó mà thôi. Một số người đáp ứng được những đòi hỏi này, số khác thì không, dù họ có là trí thức hay không.

Wednesday, July 6, 2011

06/07 復興相交代に被災地「現状変わると思えない」



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平野氏の復興相起用を伝えるニュースに見入る被災者(5日午後5時55分、宮城県気仙沼市で)=稲垣政則撮影
「復興の歩みが止まってしまうのでは」「政治家は自分のことばかり」――。
東日本大震災を巡る発言で復興相を辞任した松本龍氏(60)の後任に5日、復興担当の内閣府副大臣だった平野達男氏(57)が就任した。6月の内閣不信任決議案提出を巡る混乱に始まり、ようやく決まった復興相もすぐに交代するというドタバタ劇に、被災地では失望と怒りの声が相次いだ。
◆平野氏が昇格◆
「一日も早く復興への実感が得られるよう(被災地の)皆さんと力を合わせていきたい」。5日午後9時45分、東京・霞が関で記者会見に臨んだ平野復興相は、落ち着いた口調で決意を述べた。
岩手県選出の参院議員である平野氏は震災直後に岩手入りしたといい、「体が震えるような感じは鮮明に残っている。私自身、復旧復興に特別の思いで臨んできた」と強調。復興計画の策定については「各市町村の意気込みを大事にしたい」と抱負を述べた。
会見では額や口元に汗を浮かべ、記者らに「暑いな」と笑いかける余裕も。よどみなく質問に答えた会見の中で、唯一、言葉に詰まったのは同じく岩手選出で地元に絶大な影響力を持つ小沢一郎民主党元代表に(大臣就任を)相談したかどうかを問われた時だ。「相談していない」と答えた後、「電話だけは秘書官を通じてしました」と汗をぬぐった。
◆被災者◆
松本氏が先月5日、防災相として俳優の菅原文太さんと訪れた宮城県丸森町。福島県南相馬市から避難しており、松本氏と言葉を交わした主婦佐藤英子さん(37)は「震災に関わる大臣がこんなにすぐ代わるなんて。復興の歩みが止まる気がして心配」と、わずか9日での大臣交代が信じられない様子。福島県浪江町から福島市に避難中の田中直美さん(32)は「政治家は自分のことばかり考えている。新しい人になっても政治には期待できない」と不信感を口にした。
新大臣の選挙区の岩手県。大槌町の避難所で暮らす飲食店経営阿部たかしさん(63)は「岩手は広い。県出身といっても海岸沿いではないし……」と話し、度重なる閣僚の交代劇に「現状を変えてくれるとは思えない。行き詰まればまた辞めるのでは」とあきれた表情で話した。
(2011年7月6日02時53分  読売新聞)

Saturday, June 25, 2011

25/06 復興相に松本防災相、環境相兼務外れる方向

菅首相は24日、東日本大震災の復興基本法の施行に伴って新設された復興相に、松本防災相の起用を決めた。27日にも任命する。松本氏は政府の緊急災害対策本部の副本部長として震災直後から、被災者の生活再建支援などを担当しており、政府の震災対応の継続性からも適任と判断した。

首相は24日夜、首相官邸と首相公邸前で、記者団の問いかけに対し、「復興相は松本氏に私からお願いし、基本的に引き受けていただくことになった。復旧から復興へ切れ目なくかつ迅速に、そして夢のある復興を実現する要の役をやってもらいたい」と述べた。

松本氏は同日夜、記者団に「被災者のためとことんやり抜く」と語った。

松本氏は、復興相就任に伴い、防災相については引き続き兼務する一方、同じく兼務している環境相からは外れる見通しで、環境相を蓮舫行政刷新相に兼務させる案などが出ている。また、平野達男内閣府副大臣を復興担当とすることが固まり、副大臣数人を差し替える案も出ている。首相は同日、首相官邸で玄葉国家戦略相(民主党政調会長)、自らに近い北沢防衛相と相次いで会談しており、閣僚間の担当の調整などについて協議したとみられる。

(2011年6月25日 読売新聞)

Friday, June 24, 2011

24/06 Kan set to reshuffle cabinet next week: media


English.news.cn   2011-06-24 09:00:46FeedbackPrintRSS

Japan's Prime Minister Naoto Kan attends the Lower House special committee on reconstruction from the March 11 earthquake and tsunami in Tokyo June 14, 2011.  (Xinhua/Reuters File Photo)
TOKYO, June 24 (Xinhua) -- Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan may reshuffle his cabinet on Monday with an appointment of a minister responsible for reconstruction after the twin disasters in March, Kyodo News reported on Friday, citing ruling party members.
The reshuffle could be small-scale because there were objections within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ) to such a move, according to Kyodo report.
Environment Minister Ryu Matsumoto, who is concurrently in charge of disaster management, is among candidates for the new post, the report said.
The new post was created following a relevant bill passed the parliamentary this week with support from the major opposition parties.
Related:
TOKYO, June 21 (Xinhua) -- Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan is scheduled to step down before mid-August, Kyodo News reported late Tuesday, citing a ruling party heavyweight.
Kan is set to resign after securing parliamentary passage of the second extra budget for fiscal 2011 and a bill needed to issue deficit-covering bonds in the year started April, according to the report.    Full story
Editor: Xiong Tong

Wednesday, April 6, 2011

05/04 チェック機能なくなる…公明、大連立をけん制

 公明党の山口代表は5日の記者会見で、菅首相が提起した民主党と自民党との「大連立」について「健全なチェックが働かなくなる」と、慎重姿勢を示し、自民党内にある大連立に前向きな声にクギを刺した。

 山口氏は東日本大震災を巡り、政府に対策提言を続けてきた実績を挙げ、「さらに進んで連立政権を組むことが、どれほどの意味があるのか」と語った。一方で、「(大連立を)全く必要ないと言い切るつもりはない」とも述べた。統一地方選の最中に連立参加に前向きな姿勢を示せば「支持者を混乱させる」(党関係者)との考えもあり、当面は「閣外協力」で震災対策に臨む方針だ。民主と自民が連立を組めば、公明党がキャスチングボートを握って存在感を示すこともできなくなるとの見方もある。

(2011年4月5日21時37分 読売新聞)

05/04 谷垣総裁、大連立拒否「政策すり合わせもない」

 自民党の谷垣総裁は5日、菅首相(民主党代表)が呼びかけた両党の「大連立」はできないとの考えを示した。谷垣氏は東京都内で記者団に「政策のすり合わせもないところでの連立はあり得ない。野党として震災対応の協力をやる」と述べた。

 党執行部は「菅首相の退陣が大連立の大前提」としており、谷垣氏の発言も、菅政権との間での大連立を否定したものと見られる。谷垣氏は首相の震災対応についても、「(首相官邸内で)たくさんの役を次から次に作るのは責任と権限を一元化することにつながらない」と批判した。

 谷垣氏は同日、総裁経験者回りの一環として海部、小泉両元首相とそれぞれ会談、小泉氏は「健全な野党のあり方を発揮すべきだ」と助言した。自民党幹部は「総裁経験者は菅政権との大連立に皆、慎重だった」としており、菅内閣が閣僚を増員し、自民党に入閣を要請しても断る方針だ。

(2011年4月5日21時16分 読売新聞)

Tuesday, April 5, 2011

05/04 Survey: 64% support grand coalition

The Yomiuri Shimbun

A hefty 64 percent of people surveyed in the latest Yomiuri Shimbun poll would support the Democratic Party of Japan and the Liberal Democratic Party forming a grand coalition to benefit disaster recovery and relief and manage the nuclear crisis.

The telephone poll, conducted Friday through Sunday, also found 61 percent of respondents are dissatisfied with the government's performance in handling the crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.

Asked until when they would like Prime Minister Naoto Kan to hold his post, 31 percent answered "until the current Diet session ends in summer," while 19 percent said they would like him to step down "soon."

These results show 50 percent of people surveyed think Kan should be finished as prime minister by around the time the current Diet session ends June 22.

Of the other two possible answers to the question, 23 percent chose "until autumn next year, when his term as president of the DPJ expires," and 16 percent picked "until summer 2013, when his term as a House of Representatives member ends."

Asked whether they agreed the DPJ should scrap policies stipulated in its 2009 general election manifesto, such as the child-rearing allowances, to help finance recovery and relief measures in the wake of the earthquake and tsunami, 83 percent said "Yes," while only 13 percent chose "No."

Also regarding financing recovery programs, 60 percent agreed taxes should be increased, while 32 percent disagreed.

To the question, "What should be done about the number of nuclear power stations in Japan?" 46 percent said the current number should be maintained. Twenty-nine percent said it should be decreased, while 12 percent said all the nuclear power plants should be abandoned. Ten percent said the number should be increased.

The survey results show that the dominant opinion favors the nation's political forces combining in a grand coalition to give powerful support to recovery efforts, with financial resources to be secured by means including tax increases.

The approval rate of the Kan Cabinet was 31 percent, recovering slightly from 24 percent in the previous survey taken March 4 to 6. The rebound could be attributed to the Cabinet's efforts for recovery and relief programs and nuclear crisis control.

However, the Cabinet's disapproval rate was still high at 56 percent, down from 67 percent in March.

As for party approval rates, the DPJ's was 20 percent, up from 18 percent, and the LDP's was 20 percent, up from 19 percent. Forty-nine percent of respondents supported no specific party, down from 52 percent.

Only about one quarter of people surveyed, 24 percent, said Kan had displayed leadership in the recovery efforts and measures to control the Fukushima Prefecture plant crisis, while 69 percent said he had not.

On the government's handling of the nuclear crisis, 61 percent said they did not admire the government's attempts to bring the crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 plant under control, while 27 percent praised the government's performance.

The nationwide survey excluded some areas in Iwate, Miyagi and Fukushima prefectures that were severely hit by the massive earthquake and tsunami.

The random digit dialing (RDD) format survey used 4,500 computer-generated telephone numbers, which returned 1,666 households with at least one eligible voter. One voter from each of those households agreed to take part in the survey. Of the 1,666 respondents, 1,036, or 62 percent, gave valid answers.

(Apr. 5, 2011)

Thursday, March 31, 2011

31/03 復興対策「大連立」、自民・古賀氏ら前向き

 自民党の31日の各派会合で、東日本巨大地震の復興対策に向け、民主、自民両党による「大連立」に前向きな意見が相次いだ。

 古賀派会長の古賀誠元幹事長は、「自民党の立ち位置が問われている。この機会に与野党(の枠組み)を超えて政治の責任を果たすことを十分に考えて、谷垣総裁に方向を決めてもらいたい」と強調した。

 町村派会長の町村信孝元官房長官は、谷垣氏に入閣を要請した菅首相の対応を「パフォーマンス」と批判する一方、「本格的な復興を始める段階では(大連立の)検討を否定するものではない」と語った。

 これに対し、谷垣氏は同日の記者会見で「党内にも色々意見がある。常に360度、上下左右を見渡しながら進んでいくのが私のモットーだ」と述べるにとどめた。

(2011年3月31日19時31分 読売新聞)

Monday, March 28, 2011

28/03 フランス地方選で与党惨敗 サルコジ政権に打撃

2011年3月28日20時44分

 【パリ=稲田信司】来年のフランス大統領選の行方を占う県議会議員選の第2回投票が27日、全国一斉に実施された。AFP通信によると、推定得票率で最大野党の社会党が、サルコジ政権を支える与党・民衆運動連合(UMP)の約20%を大きく上回る約35%を得て、勝利した。右翼政党・国民戦線(FN)は約11%を得て第3党となり、党勢を維持した。

 同通信によると、社会党をはじめ、環境重視のヨーロッパ・エコロジー党、共産党など左派系政党の合計得票率は49%を超え、UMPを軸とする右派系政党の約35%を大きく上回った。社会党のオブリ党首は27日、「(大統領選で)フランスとフランス国民のために勝利する義務があると自覚した」と勝利宣言した。

 ただ、投票を棄権した有権者が約55%にのぼり、UMPや社会党をはじめとする既成政党への失望感の広がりも印象づけた。

 一方、28日付の世論調査によると、ユーロ圏脱退や移民排斥を掲げるFNを「他党と同じような政党」とする回答が約52%に達し、マリーヌ・ルペン新党首が率いるFNへの抵抗感は急速に少なくなっている。

23/03 英で「原発反対」増加 日本の事故踏まえ世論調査

2011年3月23日0時34分

 【ロンドン=橋本聡】東日本大震災と福島第一原発の事故を受け、英国世論で「原発反対」の声が増えている。世論調査会社が国際環境NGO「地球の友」の依頼で18~20日に1千人に電話調査したところ、原発の新設に「賛成」は35%、「反対」は28%。昨年11月の別の世論調査会社の調べでは「賛成」が47%で、「反対」の19%を大きく上回っていた。

 今回の調査では、原発の安全性に不安を感じるとの声も44%あった。また、4人に3人が「風力や太陽光などの再生可能エネルギーや、家庭や産業の節電対策にもっと投資すべきだ」と答えた。

 英国では19基の原発が電力の2割を生み出している。政府は老朽化した原発を順次閉鎖し、代わりに新しい原発を建てる方針だ。キャメロン首相は日本の原発との設計の違いや、英国に地震や津波の恐れがないことを強調し、「原発は必要」としている。

28/03 ドイツ首相「敗因は福島原発」 州議会選で連立与党敗北

2011年3月28日23時54分

 【ベルリン=松井健】ドイツ南西部バーデン・ビュルテンベルク州で27日にあった州議会選挙で、連立与党が敗北し、環境政党・緑の党が躍進したことについてメルケル首相は28日、「福島原発の大事故を巡る議論が敗因となったのは明らかだ」と述べた。

 さらに「原発政策を徹底的に議論し、6月半ばまでに結論を出す」とし、政策の見直しも示唆した。メルケル政権は事故直後、昨年秋に決めた「原発の運転延長政策」を3カ月間、凍結している。

 一方、DPA通信によると、緑の党のエズデミル党首は「選挙結果は人々が脱原子力を求める明らかなメッセージだ」と述べ、メルケル政権に原発からの脱却を急ぐよう求める考えを示した。

 原発政策が最大の争点となった同州議会選で、緑の党は24.2%と前回に比べて得票率を倍増。社会民主党と連立政権を樹立し、同党創設以来初となる州首相の座を獲得する見通し。メルケル首相のキリスト教民主同盟は、58年間にわたり握ってきた同州の政権を失う。

Sunday, March 27, 2011

26/03 She Ended the Men’s Club of National Politics

March 26, 2011
Sara Krulwich/The New York Times
Geraldine A. Ferraro and Walter F. Mondale on July 20, 1984.
More Photos »


By DOUGLAS MARTIN


Geraldine A. Ferraro, the former Queens congresswoman who strode onto a podium in 1984 to accept the Democratic nomination for vice president and to take her place in American history as the first woman nominated for national office by a major party, died Saturday in Boston.

She was 75 and lived in Manhattan.

The cause was complications from multiple myeloma, a blood cancer that she had battled for 12 years, her family said in a statement. She died at Massachusetts General Hospital, where she had been undergoing treatment since Monday.

“If we can do this, we can do anything,” Ms. Ferraro declared on a July evening to a cheering Democratic National Convention in San Francisco. And for a moment, for the Democratic Party and for an untold number of American women, anything seemed possible: a woman occupying the second-highest office in the land, a derailing of the Republican juggernaut led by President Ronald Reagan, a President Walter F. Mondale.

It did not turn out that way — not by a long shot. After the roars in the Moscone Center had subsided and a fitful general election campaign had run its course, hopes for Mr. Mondale and his plain-speaking, barrier-breaking running mate were buried in a Reagan landslide.

But Ms. Ferraro’s supporters proclaimed a victory of sorts nonetheless: 64 years after women won the right to vote, a woman had removed the “men only” sign from the White House door.

It would be another 24 years before another woman from a major party was nominated for vice president — Gov. Sarah Palin of Alaska, the Republican running mate of Senator John McCain, in 2008. And though Hillary Rodham Clinton came close to being nominated that year as the Democratic presidential candidate, a woman has yet to occupy the Oval Office. But Ms. Ferraro’s ascendance gave many women heart.

Ann Richards, who was the Texas state treasurer at the time and went on to become governor, recalled that after the Ferraro nomination, “the first thing I thought of was not winning in the political sense, but of my two daughters.”

“To think,” Ms. Richards added, “of the numbers of young women who can now aspire to anything.”

In a statement, President Obama said Saturday, “Geraldine will forever be remembered as a trailblazer who broke down barriers for women and Americans of all backgrounds and walks of life.”

As Mr. Mondale’s surprise choice, Ms. Ferraro rocketed to national prominence, propelled by fervid feminist support, a spirited and sometimes saucy personality, canny political skills and the calculation by Democratic strategists that Reagan might be vulnerable on issues thought to be more important to women.

But it proved to be a difficult campaign. The incumbent Reagan-Bush ticket presented a formidable enough challenge in and of itself, but Ms. Ferraro found herself on the defensive almost from the start, answering critics who questioned her qualifications for high office. Then there were damaging revelations about the finances of her husband, John Zaccaro, forcing Ms. Ferraro to release his tax returns and hold a marathon news conference in the middle of the general election race. Some said she had become a liability to Mr. Mondale and only hurt his chances more.

Quick Study as Candidate

A former Queens criminal prosecutor, Ms. Ferraro was a vigorous but relatively inexperienced candidate with a better feel for urban ward politics than for international diplomacy. But she proved to be a quick study and came across as a new breed of feminist politician — comfortable with the boys, particularly powerful Democrats like the House speaker, Thomas P. O’Neill Jr., and less combative than predecessors like Representative Bella Abzug of New York.

She was also ideal for television: a down-to-earth, streaked-blond, peanut-butter-sandwich-making mother whose personal story resonated powerfully. Brought up by a single mother who had crocheted beads on wedding dresses to send her daughter to good schools, Ms. Ferraro had waited until her own children were school age before going to work in a Queens district attorney’s office headed by a cousin.

In the 1984 race, many Americans found her breezy style refreshing. “What are you — crazy?” was a familiar expression. She might break into a little dance behind the speaker’s platform when she liked the introductory music. Feeling patronized by her Republican opponent, Vice President George Bush, she publicly scolded him.

With Ms. Ferraro on the ticket, Democrats hoped to exploit a so-called gender gap between the parties. A Newsweek poll taken after she was nominated showed men favoring Reagan-Bush 58 percent to 36 percent but women supporting Mondale-Ferraro 49 percent to 41 percent.

For the first time, a major candidate for national office talked about abortion with the phrase “If I were pregnant,” or about foreign policy with the personal observation “As the mother of a draft-age son....” She wore pearls and silk dresses and publicly worried that her slip was showing.

She also traveled a 55,000-mile campaign trail, spoke in 85 cities and raised $6 million. But in November the Democratic ticket won only one state — Mr. Mondale’s Minnesota — and the District of Columbia.

And to the Democrats’ chagrin, Mr. Reagan captured even the women’s vote, drawing some 55 percent; women, it appeared, had opposed, almost as much as men, the tax increase that Mr. Mondale, a former senator and vice president under Jimmy Carter, had said in his acceptance speech would be inevitable, an attempt at straight talking that cost him dearly at the polls.

Most election analysts believed that from the start the Democratic ticket had little chance against a popular incumbent who was basking in an economic recovery and proclaiming that it was “morning again in America.” Some said the choice of the little-known Ms. Ferraro had been a desperate move to attract the female vote in a daunting election year. Compounding the campaign’s woes was a barrage of questions about the Ferraro family finances — often carrying insinuations about ties to organized crime — that not only blemished Ms. Ferraro’s stature as the first Italian-American national candidate but also diverted attention from other issues.

Ms. Ferraro’s politics teetered from liberal positions, like her support for the Equal Rights Amendment for women and a nuclear freeze, to conservative ones, like her opposition to school busing and her support of tax credits for private and parochial school parents. In her first race for the House of Representatives, in 1978, from New York’s Ninth Congressional District in Queens, a Republican stronghold, her slogan was “Finally, a tough Democrat.”

The abortion issue, magnified because she was Roman Catholic and a woman, plagued her campaign. Though she opposed the procedure personally, she said, others had the right to choose for themselves. Abortion opponents hounded her at almost every stop with an intensity seldom experienced by male politicians.

Writing in The Washington Post in September 1984, the columnist Mary McGrory quoted an unnamed Roman Catholic priest as saying, “When the nuns in the fifth grade told Geraldine she would have to die for her faith, she didn’t know it would be this way.”

Named for a Brother

Geraldine Anne Ferraro was born on Aug. 26, 1935, in the Hudson River city of Newburgh, N.Y., where she was the fourth child and only daughter of Dominick Ferraro, an Italian immigrant who owned a restaurant and a five-and-dime store, and the former Antonetta L. Corrieri. One brother died shortly after birth, and another, Gerard, died in an automobile accident when he was 3, two years before Geraldine was born.

Geraldine was born at home; her mother, who had been holding Gerard at the time of the crash and who had washed and pressed his clothes for months after his death, would not go to the hospital for the delivery and leave the third brother, Carl, at home.

Geraldine was named for Gerard, but in her book “Framing a Life: A Family Memoir,” written with Catherine Whitney, Ms. Ferraro said her mother had emphasized that she was not taking his place.

“Gerry is special,” she quoted her mother as saying, “because she is a girl.”

Unknown to Ms. Ferraro at the time, her father had repeated trouble with the state liquor authorities and ultimately lost his restaurant license. During the vice-presidential campaign, she learned by reading The New York Post that her father had been arrested on charges of running a numbers racket but had died of a heart attack the morning he was to appear in court. Her mother was arrested as an accomplice, but the charges were dropped after her husband’s death, Ms. Ferraro wrote.

She called her father’s death, which happened when she was 8, “a dividing line that runs through my life.” In her grief, she said, she developed anemia.

Her mother soon sold the store and the family’s house and moved to the South Bronx. With the proceeds from the sale of property in Italy that her husband had left her, she sent Geraldine to the Marymount School, a Catholic boarding school in Tarrytown, N.Y. She sent Carl to military school.

Ms. Ferraro’s outstanding grades earned her a scholarship to Marymount College in Tarrytown, from which she transferred to the school’s Manhattan branch. She commuted there from Queens, where her mother had moved by then. An English major, Ms. Ferraro was editor of the school newspaper and an athlete and won numerous honors before graduating in 1956. “Delights in the unexpected,” the yearbook said.

After graduating, Ms. Ferraro got a job teaching in a public grade school in Queens. She later applied to Fordham Law School, where an admissions officer warned her that she might be taking a man’s place. Admitted to its night school, she was one of two women in a class of 179 and received her law degree in 1960.

Ms. Ferraro and John Zaccaro, whose family was in the real estate business, were married on July 16, 1960, two days after she passed her bar exam. She was admitted to the New York State bar in 1961, and decided to keep her maiden name professionally to honor her mother. (She was admitted to the United States Supreme Court bar in 1978.)

For the first 13 years of her marriage, Ms. Ferraro devoted herself mainly to her growing family. Donna was born in 1962, John in 1964 and Laura in 1966. Ms. Ferraro did some legal work for her husband’s business, worked pro bono for women in Family Court and dabbled in local politics. In 1970 she was elected president of the Queens County Women’s Bar Association.

In 1973, after her cousin Nicholas Ferraro was elected Queens district attorney, she applied for and got a job as an assistant district attorney in charge of a special victims bureau, investigating rape, crimes against the elderly, and child and wife abuse.

The cases were so harrowing, she later wrote, that they caused her to develop an ulcer. And the crime-breeding societal conditions she saw, she said, planted the seeds of her liberalism.

Sights Set on Congress

One night, before he became governor of New York, Mario M. Cuomo gave Ms. Ferraro and her husband a ride home from a bar mitzvah. She told him she was thinking of running for public office. “What about Congress?” Mr. Cuomo asked.

Ms. Ferraro found her opportunity in 1978, when James J. Delaney, a Democratic congressman from a predominantly working-class district in Queens, announced his retirement. In a three-way Democratic primary for the seat, Ms. Ferraro won with 53 percent of the vote. In the general election campaign, a slugfest against a Republican assemblyman, Alfred A. DelliBovi, she won by 10 percentage points, helped by her law-and-order background.

In the House, Ms. Ferraro was assigned to unglamorous committees but used them to her advantage. On the Public Works and Transportation Committee, she successfully pushed for improved mass transit around La Guardia Airport.

Mr. O’Neill, the speaker, took an immediate liking to her, and in her three terms she voted mostly with her party’s leadership. Liberal and labor groups gave her high ratings, though she was less adamant than many liberal Democrats about cutting military spending.

Ms. Ferraro was a co-sponsor of the Economic Equity Act, which was intended to accomplish many of the aims of the never-ratified Equal Rights Amendment. She also supported federal financing for abortions.

“She manages to be threatening on issues without being threatening personally,” Representative Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts, told The Chicago Tribune in 1984.

Others were less laudatory. “Some see her as too compromising, too ambitious, too close to the leadership,” The Washington Post wrote that same year.

Her friendship with Mr. O’Neill helped her career. Thanks in part to him, she was elected secretary of the Democratic caucus, giving her influence on committee assignments, and in 1983 she was awarded a seat on the powerful budget committee, where she received a crash course in economics. To enhance her foreign policy credentials, she took trips to Central America and the Middle East.

It was Ms. Ferraro’s appointment as chairwoman of the 1984 Democratic Platform Committee that gave her the most prominence. In her book “Ferraro: My Story,” written with Linda Bird Francke, she said that in becoming the first woman to hold that post she owed much to a group of Democratic women — Congressional staffers, abortion rights activists, labor leaders and others — who called themselves Team A and who lobbied for her appointment.

Even before then, however, Ms. Ferraro’s name had been mentioned on lists of potential candidates for vice president, along with Representative Patricia Schroeder of Colorado, the former congresswoman Barbara Jordan and Dianne Feinstein, the mayor of San Francisco. By May 1984, Mr. O’Neill had endorsed her for the No. 2 spot on the ticket. It was, as Ms. Ferraro later put it, “the Good Housekeeping seal of approval.”

On July 1, the National Organization for Women threatened a convention floor fight if the Democrats did not choose a woman, and three days later a delegation of Democratic women went to Minnesota to urge Mr. Mondale to do so.

Mr. Mondale made his historic call, asking Ms. Ferraro to be his running mate, on July 11. His campaign believed that she would do well not only among women but also among blue-collar workers. Eight days later, wearing a white dress she had bought on Orchard Street on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, she accepted the Democratic nomination for vice president.

Trouble Over Finances

Her campaign was soon stalled by accusations about her personal finances. The storm reached its height in a two-hour press conference on Aug. 21, after Ms. Ferraro had released the tax returns of her husband, Mr. Zaccaro. She responded to question after question in a confident, relaxed manner. Mr. Cuomo called it “one of the best performances I’ve ever seen by a politician under pressure.”

Ms. Ferraro later faced down hecklers in Texas and pro-Reagan auto workers in Illinois. After Vice President Bush was overheard bragging that “we tried to kick a little ass last night,” referring to a debate with Ms. Ferraro, she declined to comment directly, though her aides called the remark insulting and demeaning. There were signs at campaign rallies saying, “Give ’em hell, Gerry!”

Everywhere people were adjusting — or manifestly not adjusting — to a woman on a national ticket. Mississippi’s agriculture secretary called Ms. Ferraro “young lady” and asked if she could bake blueberry muffins. When a Roman Catholic bishop gave a news conference in Pennsylvania, he repeatedly referred to the Republican vice-presidential nominee as “Mr. Bush” and to the Democratic one as “Geraldine.”

Ms. Ferraro’s words raised hackles as well. She was criticized for suggesting that Reagan was not a “good Christian” because, she said, his policies hurt the disadvantaged.

Her inability to escape questions about her finances was partly brought on by her husband’s initial refusal to release his tax returns. She riled Italian-Americans when she explained, “If you’re married to an Italian man, you know what it’s like.”

When her financial situation was finally disclosed, it turned out that the candidate with the rags-to-riches story had a net worth approaching $4 million, a boat, a full-time uniformed maid and vacation homes on Fire Island in New York and in the Virgin Islands.

Mr. Bush’s wife, Barbara, complained that Ms. Ferraro was masquerading as a working-class wife and mother, calling her a “four-million-dollar — I can’t say it, but it rhymes with rich.”

Her associations and finances revealed one questionable thing after another. The Federal Election Commission fined her 1978 campaign committee for accepting $134,000 in contributions from her husband and children when they were legally allowed to contribute only $4,000.

Evidence also emerged that organized-crime figures had contributed to her campaigns. When a House ethics panel investigated her financial disclosures, it came out that one of Mr. Zaccaro’s companies had rented two floors of a building to a pornography distributor.

The disclosures damaged a campaign that was already fighting an uphill battle; Mr. Mondale later said he thought they cost the campaign 15 percentage points in the polls. He also suggested that a male running mate might not have been dissected so severely. After the election, the House ethics committee determined that Ms. Ferraro’s financial disclosures had been inadequate. In 1986, the elections commission said one of her campaign committees had improperly allocated funds.

Ms. Ferraro’s family experienced legal problems of its own. In 1985, Mr. Zaccaro pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor charge that he had schemed to defraud a mortgage broker. Two years later he was acquitted of attempted extortion in a cable television company’s bid to get a Queens franchise. And in 1988 the couple’s son, John Jr., was convicted of a felony for selling cocaine in Vermont while a student at Middlebury College.

After her defeat in 1984, Ms. Ferraro was criticized for appearing in a Diet Pepsi commercial. Feminists in particular called it undignified.

She is survived by her husband, three children and eight grandchildren.

Later Bids for Office

Weary of the spotlight on her family, Ms. Ferraro passed up a chance to challenge Senator Alfonse M. D’Amato, Republican of New York, in his bid for a second term in 1986. But she decided to seek the seat in 1992 and entered the Democratic primary. She finished 10,000 votes (1 percent of the total) behind Robert Abrams, the state attorney general, who lost to Mr. D’Amato in the general election. She again ran for the Senate in 1998 but lost to Charles E. Schumer in the Democratic primary by a lopsided margin.

Ms. Ferraro was later ambassador to the United Nations Human Rights Commission during the Clinton administration and co-host of the CNN program “Crossfire” from 1996 to 1998. She also wrote books and articles and did business consulting.

Near the end of 1998, she learned she had multiple myeloma, a bone-marrow cancer that suppresses the immune system. She was one of the first cancer patients to be treated with thalidomide, a drug used in the 1960s to treat morning sickness that caused severe defects in unborn children.

“Such a strange thing,” Ms. Ferraro said in an interview with The New York Times in 2001. “What was terrible for a healthy fetus has been wonderful at defeating the cancer cells.”

She addressed her place in history in a long letter to The Times in 1988, noting that women wrote to her about how she had inspired them to take on challenges, “always adding a version of ‘I decided if you could do it, I can too.’ ” Schoolgirls, she said, told her they hoped to be president someday and needed advice.

“I am the first to admit that were I not a woman, I would not have been the vice-presidential nominee,” she wrote. But she insisted that her presence on the ticket had translated into votes that the ticket might otherwise have not received.

In any event, she said, the political realities of 1984 had made it all but impossible for the Democrats to win, no matter the candidates or their gender. “Throwing Ronald Reagan out of office at the height of his popularity, with inflation and interest rates down, the economy moving and the country at peace, would have required God on the ticket,” Ms. Ferraro wrote, “and She was not available!”


This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: March 26, 2011



An earlier version of a video associated with this article misstated the year Ms. Ferraro was nominated for vice president. It was 1984, not 1983.

Monday, March 21, 2011

20/03 Kan hopes to recruit opposition to grand coalition

2011/03/20

Prime Minister Naoto Kan (The Asahi Shimbun)

Aiming to build a "crisis-management government," Prime Minister Naoto Kan hopes to add three more seats to his Cabinet and fill all or part of them with opposition lawmakers, sources said.

The unusual step would create an administration better able to tackle the daunting tasks of bringing relief to quake victims, restoring infrastructure and containing the crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear plant.

Kan told a news conference Friday his coalition team has opened a dialogue with opposition parties on "how to strengthen the Cabinet and its crisis response."

Aside from these aims, it appears Kan also intends to hold the opposition camp accountable should the government stumble in its handling the triple-barreled quake, tsunami and nuclear crisis.

At Kan's instruction, Katsuya Okada, secretary-general of the Democratic Party of Japan, proposed to raise the number of Cabinet seats to 20, up from 17, at Friday's meeting of government and ruling and opposition parties on earthquake response.

He also proposed revising laws to increase the number of special advisers to the prime minister, senior vice ministers and parliamentary secretaries at the Cabinet Office.

After revising related laws on the Cabinet in the current Diet session, Kan would ask opposition party members to join the Cabinet. The idea could lead to a grand coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito.

"Establishing a crisis-management Cabinet will open the doors to reshuffling the coalition framework to build a stable administration," said a senior DPJ Upper House member.

Big-name opposition members, while likely to approve the increase in Cabinet members, would be wary of sharing responsibility for any missteps by the government in its crisis efforts.

During a phone conversation Saturday, Kan asked LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki to join the Cabinet as vice prime minister and minister in charge of restoration from the earthquake. At an executive meeting later, the LDP decided to reject the offer.

Some LDP members called the request no more than a ploy to share the blame for mishandling the quake crisis with the opposition.

A New Komeito executive also said his party has no plan to send members to Kan's Cabinet.

But one senior LDP member acknowledged that rejecting the government's offer to cooperate during this unprecedented national crisis could arouse public wrath.