2011年9月25日（日）付
あまり言われることもないようだが、佐藤栄作氏は２０世紀生まれ初の総理大臣だった。「戦後生まれ初」は安倍晋三さんである。そこで野田さんだが、日本の国連加盟後に生まれた初の首相、と相成る▼日本は１９５６（昭和３１）年、悲願の国連加盟を果たして国際舞台に復帰した。手間取ったのは、ソ連の度重なる拒否権行使で申請が葬られたからだ。ようやく加盟がかない、重光葵（まもる）外相の総会演説が大きな拍手に包まれたのは、今も語りぐさだ▼時は流れて、そんな歴史も思い起こすパレスチナの国連加盟申請である。自治政府のアッバス議長は総会で「パレスチナの春を」と訴えた。拍手喝采は、応酬するイスラエル首相の演説の影を薄くした。困ったのは米国である▼申請はまず安保理に付託されるが、イスラエル寄りの米国は拒否権の行使を明言している。これをサルコジ仏大統領は「中東で暴力の連鎖を生む恐れがある」と批判する。同じ懸念を抱く指導者は少なくはあるまい▼米国はこれまで、イスラエルに不利な採決に拒否権を連発してきた。安保理の常任理事国５カ国だけが持つ伝家の宝刀だが、今回は問題が大きい。抜けば副作用もあろう。安保理は当面、緊張のうちに駆け引きが続く▼そうして波立つ国連から野田首相は戻ったが、国際社会に存在感を示せただろうか。あれこれ苛立（いらだ）つ米国に普天間問題の「結果」を催促された印象ばかりが残る。回転扉と揶揄（やゆ）される１年交代のツケはやはり、つくづくと大きい。
Showing posts with label Palestinian statehood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Palestinian statehood. Show all posts
Saturday, October 1, 2011
Tuesday, September 27, 2011
27/09 VOX POPULI: U.S. veto could spark a wave of violence
Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a daily column that runs on Page 1 of the vernacular Asahi Shimbun.
2011/09/27
Such things are not of any real significance, but Eisaku Sato (1901-1975) was the first Japanese prime minister born in the 20th century, while Shinzo Abe was the first prime minister born after World War II. Our new leader, Yoshihiko Noda, is the first prime minister born after Japan became a member of the United Nations in 1956.
Joining the United Nations was a cherished dream for postwar Japan, because it signaled the country's return to the international community. The dream took a while to be realized, because the Soviet Union used its veto power repeatedly to prevent Japan from becoming a U.N. member.
After Japan finally became a member, then-Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu (1887-1957) addressed the General Assembly. The thunderous applause with which he was welcomed is still talked about to this day.
I was reminded of this history by Palestine's bid for full U.N. membership. In his address before the General Assembly, President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority said it was time for a "Palestinian spring." The rapturous applause this drew was enough to eclipse Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's rebuttal speech.
The United States is in a bind. Every U.N. membership application is sent to the Security Council, and the pro-Israel United States has vowed to use its veto power to block the Palestinian bid. French President Nicolas Sarkozy warned that a U.S. veto would "spark a new wave of violence in the Middle East." I should imagine that many world leaders agree with Sarkozy.
The United States has a track record of repeatedly vetoing resolutions unfavorable to Israel. The power of veto is a prerogative of the five permanent members of the Security Council, of which the United States is one. But using it this time will cause all sorts of repercussions. Tense negotiations will continue in the Security Council.
Prime Minister Noda has returned from his U.N. visit. Was he able to assert himself on the international stage? The only impression I got was that he was pressured by an increasingly testy United States to produce results on the Futenma relocation issue.
Predictably, Japan seems to be paying dearly for its annual comings and goings of prime ministers.
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 25
* * *
Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a popular daily column that takes up a wide range of topics, including culture, arts and social trends and developments. Written by veteran Asahi Shimbun writers, the column provides useful perspectives on and insights into contemporary Japan and its culture.
2011/09/27
Such things are not of any real significance, but Eisaku Sato (1901-1975) was the first Japanese prime minister born in the 20th century, while Shinzo Abe was the first prime minister born after World War II. Our new leader, Yoshihiko Noda, is the first prime minister born after Japan became a member of the United Nations in 1956.
Joining the United Nations was a cherished dream for postwar Japan, because it signaled the country's return to the international community. The dream took a while to be realized, because the Soviet Union used its veto power repeatedly to prevent Japan from becoming a U.N. member.
After Japan finally became a member, then-Foreign Minister Mamoru Shigemitsu (1887-1957) addressed the General Assembly. The thunderous applause with which he was welcomed is still talked about to this day.
I was reminded of this history by Palestine's bid for full U.N. membership. In his address before the General Assembly, President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority said it was time for a "Palestinian spring." The rapturous applause this drew was enough to eclipse Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's rebuttal speech.
The United States is in a bind. Every U.N. membership application is sent to the Security Council, and the pro-Israel United States has vowed to use its veto power to block the Palestinian bid. French President Nicolas Sarkozy warned that a U.S. veto would "spark a new wave of violence in the Middle East." I should imagine that many world leaders agree with Sarkozy.
The United States has a track record of repeatedly vetoing resolutions unfavorable to Israel. The power of veto is a prerogative of the five permanent members of the Security Council, of which the United States is one. But using it this time will cause all sorts of repercussions. Tense negotiations will continue in the Security Council.
Prime Minister Noda has returned from his U.N. visit. Was he able to assert himself on the international stage? The only impression I got was that he was pressured by an increasingly testy United States to produce results on the Futenma relocation issue.
Predictably, Japan seems to be paying dearly for its annual comings and goings of prime ministers.
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 25
* * *
Vox Populi, Vox Dei is a popular daily column that takes up a wide range of topics, including culture, arts and social trends and developments. Written by veteran Asahi Shimbun writers, the column provides useful perspectives on and insights into contemporary Japan and its culture.
Monday, September 26, 2011
26/09 No shortcut to statehood for Palestinians
The Yomiuri Shimbun
For Palestinians to achieve the status of a true independent state, they have no choice but to negotiate with Israel. They should bear in mind that quick resumption of negotiations is the key to achieving this goal.
The Palestinian Authority on Friday submitted a letter to the United Nations asking to join the international body, an attempt to shelve efforts to establish a state through negotiations and instead directly seek recognition of Palestinian statehood from U.N. members. With this move, the Palestinians effectively thrust a letter of no confidence at the United States, which has been working as a mediator between the Palestinian Authority and Israel.
For a state to join the United Nations, the U.N. Security Council must advise the General Assembly to accept it. The council plans to meet soon to discuss how to handle the Palestinians' request.
The United States, a permanent member of the Security Council, has expressed its intention to veto any council move to recognize Palestinian statehood. But there are concerns the situation will become even more complicated if the council actually votes on the issue.
If the United States uses its veto, it will inevitably heighten anti-U.S. sentiment, destabilizing the situation in the Middle East even more.
===
Resume talks quickly
To avoid such a development, the international community must seek ways to bring Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table as soon as possible.
The international powers known as the Quartet on the Middle East--the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations--presented a new road map to both sides Friday, under which Israel and the Palestinians will decide on an agenda for negotiations within a month and reach an agreement by the end of next year. The international community, including Japan, must do its utmost to realize the road map.
The Palestinian Authority is acting hastily to obtain recognition as a state apparently because its people are increasingly disillusioned by the lack of prospects for building a Palestinian state 20 years after the start of the Middle East peace process.
The Palestinians managed to win autonomy under an agreement with Israel. However, subsequent negotiations for a Palestinian state remain stalled.
In the meantime, Israel has built one settlement after another in occupied land Palestinians consider part of their territory for a future state, effectively turning it into Israeli territory.
===
U.N. application a last resort
The Palestinian Authority apparently filed its statehood application with the United Nations as a last resort to escape a dead end.
However, as U.S. President Barack Obama said in his address to the U.N. General Assembly on Wednesday, it will be impossible to establish a Palestinian state or achieve the peaceful coexistence of two states without an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. There are no shortcuts to that goal.
The Palestinian Authority has a problem that needs to be resolved: Hamas, an Islamic fundamentalist group that does not recognize the existence of Israel, rules the Gaza Strip. As an initial step, the Palestinians need to settle their internal divisions.
In the increasingly volatile Middle East, Israel is about to lose its stable relationships with Turkey and Egypt, which have served as cornerstones for its security in the region. To prevent itself from being further isolated, Israel must freeze its settlements in the occupied land, as requested by the Palestinian side, and resume negotiations for peace.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 25, 2011)
(Sep. 26, 2011)
For Palestinians to achieve the status of a true independent state, they have no choice but to negotiate with Israel. They should bear in mind that quick resumption of negotiations is the key to achieving this goal.
The Palestinian Authority on Friday submitted a letter to the United Nations asking to join the international body, an attempt to shelve efforts to establish a state through negotiations and instead directly seek recognition of Palestinian statehood from U.N. members. With this move, the Palestinians effectively thrust a letter of no confidence at the United States, which has been working as a mediator between the Palestinian Authority and Israel.
For a state to join the United Nations, the U.N. Security Council must advise the General Assembly to accept it. The council plans to meet soon to discuss how to handle the Palestinians' request.
The United States, a permanent member of the Security Council, has expressed its intention to veto any council move to recognize Palestinian statehood. But there are concerns the situation will become even more complicated if the council actually votes on the issue.
If the United States uses its veto, it will inevitably heighten anti-U.S. sentiment, destabilizing the situation in the Middle East even more.
===
Resume talks quickly
To avoid such a development, the international community must seek ways to bring Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table as soon as possible.
The international powers known as the Quartet on the Middle East--the United States, Russia, the European Union and the United Nations--presented a new road map to both sides Friday, under which Israel and the Palestinians will decide on an agenda for negotiations within a month and reach an agreement by the end of next year. The international community, including Japan, must do its utmost to realize the road map.
The Palestinian Authority is acting hastily to obtain recognition as a state apparently because its people are increasingly disillusioned by the lack of prospects for building a Palestinian state 20 years after the start of the Middle East peace process.
The Palestinians managed to win autonomy under an agreement with Israel. However, subsequent negotiations for a Palestinian state remain stalled.
In the meantime, Israel has built one settlement after another in occupied land Palestinians consider part of their territory for a future state, effectively turning it into Israeli territory.
===
U.N. application a last resort
The Palestinian Authority apparently filed its statehood application with the United Nations as a last resort to escape a dead end.
However, as U.S. President Barack Obama said in his address to the U.N. General Assembly on Wednesday, it will be impossible to establish a Palestinian state or achieve the peaceful coexistence of two states without an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. There are no shortcuts to that goal.
The Palestinian Authority has a problem that needs to be resolved: Hamas, an Islamic fundamentalist group that does not recognize the existence of Israel, rules the Gaza Strip. As an initial step, the Palestinians need to settle their internal divisions.
In the increasingly volatile Middle East, Israel is about to lose its stable relationships with Turkey and Egypt, which have served as cornerstones for its security in the region. To prevent itself from being further isolated, Israel must freeze its settlements in the occupied land, as requested by the Palestinian side, and resume negotiations for peace.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 25, 2011)
(Sep. 26, 2011)
Saturday, September 24, 2011
23/09 Phản ứng về đề nghị của ông Abbas
Cập nhật: 22:17 GMT - thứ sáu, 23 tháng 9, 2011
Ông Abbas đã nhận được sự ủng hộ cuồng nhiệt cả ở LHQ và ở quê nhà khi tuyên bố việc trình đơn xin công nhận nhà nước Palestine độc lập.
Lãnh tụ Palestine Mahmoud Abbas đã nộp đơn đề nghị Liên Hợp Quốc công nhận một nhà nước Palestine.
Ông kêu gọi Hội đồng Bảo an hãy ủng hộ một nhà nước với đường biên giới có từ trước năm 1967.
Ông nói rằng người Palestine đã tiến hành đàm phán với Israel một cách chân thành, nhưng nói việc xây dựng các khu định cư Do Thái khiến các nỗ lực đàm phán bị thất bại.
Thủ tướng Israel, ông Benjamin Netanyahu nói ông đã chìa bàn tay ra với người Palestine nhưng phía Palestine khước từ đàm phán.
"Tôi vẫn hy vọng rằng Tổng thống Abbas sẽ là một đối tác hòa bình của tôi," ông nói trong bài phát biểu tại New York.
"Chúng ta hãy gặp nhau ngay hôm nay, tại Liên Hợp Quốc. Đâu có ai cản trở chúng ta đâu?"
"Đàm phán song phương"
Ông Netanyahu nói thêm rằng cốt lõi của cuộc xung đột không phải là các khu định cư mà chính là việc người Palestine không chịu thừa nhận Israel là một nhà nước Do Thái.
Trong khi đó, bộ tứ trung gian hòa giải Trung Đông - gồm Liên Hợp Quốc, EU, Hoa Kỳ và Nga - cho biết trong một tuyên bố rằng họ muốn Israel và Palestine gặp nhau trong vòng một tháng để đồng ý về chương trình nghị sự nhằm tiến hành đàm phán, với mục tiêu đạt thỏa thuận hòa bình vào cuối năm 2012.
Vài giờ đồng hồ sau khi nhận được đơn đề nghị, Tổng Thư ký LHQ Ban Ki-moon đã chuyển yêu cầu của Palestine tới Hội đồng Bảo an.
Nawaf Salam, Đại sứ Lebanon tại Liên Hợp Quốc, người hiện đang giữ chức Chủ tịch Hội đồng Bảo an, nói đơn sẽ được thảo luận vào hôm thứ Hai.
Để được thông qua, đơn cần nhận được sự ủng hộ của chín trong số 15 thành viên Hội đồng và không bị bất kỳ một phiếu phủ quyết nào từ các thành viên thường trực; có thể mất tới vài tuần trước khi việc biểu quyết diễn ra.
Israel và Hoa Kỳ nói rằng một nhà nước Palestine chỉ có thể đạt được thông qua đàm phán với Israel chứ không phải thông qua các nghị quyết của LHQ.
“Hãy đến với hòa bình”
Hôm thứ Năm, Tổng thống Hoa Kỳ Barack Obama nói với ông Abbas rằng Hoa Kỳ sẽ sử dụng quyền phủ quyết của mình trong Hội đồng Bảo an để ngăn cản đơn của Palestine.
"Tôi kêu gọi các thành viên cao quý trong Hội đồng Bảo an hãy bỏ phiếu ủng hộ việc trao tư cách thành viên đầy đủ cho chúng tôi", ông Abbas nói tại Đại hội đồng Liên Hợp Quốc trong một bài diễn văn đầy nhiệt huyết.
Nhiều đại biểu đã hoan nghênh ông nhiệt liệt; một số người vỗ tay và thậm chí huýt sáo tỏ ý ủng hộ.
"Đã đến lúc những người dân can trường và đầy tự hào của chúng tôi, sau hàng thập niên phải ly tán, phải chịu ách chiếm đóng thực dân và những nỗi đau thương bất tận, phải được sống như những người dân khác trên trái đất này, được tự do trên mảnh đất quê hương có chủ quyền và độc lập"
Ông Abbas phát biểu tại LHQ
Chủ biên phụ trách vùng Trung Đông của BBC Jeremy Bowen nói điều này có ý nghĩa quan trọng, bởi người Palestine vẫn có thể đệ đơn ra Đại hội đồng LHQ nếu đơn xin tại Hội đồng Bảo an không thành công.
"Tôi cũng kêu gọi các quốc gia từ trước tới nay vẫn chưa công nhận Nhà nước Palestine thì nay hãy công nhận," ông Abbas nói.
"Đã đến lúc những người dân can trường và đầy tự hào của chúng tôi, sau hàng thập niên phải ly tán, phải chịu ách chiếm đóng thực dân và những nỗi đau thương bất tận, phải được sống như những người dân khác trên trái đất này, được tự do trên mảnh đất quê hương có chủ quyền và độc lập," ông nói.
Ông kêu gọi Israel "hãy đến với hòa bình".
Một phát ngôn viên của phong trào Hồi giáo Hamas hiện đang nắm quyền kiểm soát tại Dải Gaza, đã chỉ trích bài phát biểu.
Salah Bardawil nói ông Abbas đã đi chệch nguyện vọng của nhân dân Palestine khi chấp nhận đường biên giới 1967, mà theo ông này là khiến 80% đất của người Palestine nằm bên trong Israel.
Trong khi đó, ở khu Tây Ngạn, từng đám đông reo hò cuồng nhiệt tỏ ý tán thành với việc ông Abbas đề nghị Liên Hiệp Quốc chấp nhận một nhà nước Palestine với đường biên có từ trước năm 1967.
"Với linh hồn, với máu của mình, chúng tôi sẽ bảo vệ Palestine", họ nói.
Có mặt tại Liên Hợp Quốc, phóng viên BBC Kim Ghattas nói rằng cho đến phút cuối cùng, các nhà ngoại giao phương Tây đã cố gắng ngăn chặn việc người Palestine đệ đơn yêu cầu, nhưng thất bại.
Phóng viên chúng tôi nói rằng ngay cả bây giờ, người ta vẫn đang nỗ lực tìm cách tái khởi động các cuộc đàm phán trực tiếp giữa Israel và Palestine, nhằm xoa dịu căng thẳng.
Hiện nay, người Palestine có tư cách quan sát viên tại Liên Hợp Quốc.
24/09 Yes to Palestinian statehood
Israel, Palestine and the United Nations
Yes to Palestinian statehood
Efforts to stop the Palestinians from winning statehood at the UN are misguided and self-defeating
Sep 24th 2011 | from the print edition
THE Palestinians are edging closer to getting a recognised state, at least on paper. Their application to the UN’s Security Council, pencilled in for September 23rd, will be rebuffed by an American veto. But if they then go to the UN General Assembly, which seems likely sooner or later, the Palestinians will win an overwhelming majority. The “observer” status that would be given to them would be similar to that of the Vatican—a position short of full membership, which can be conferred only by the Security Council. It would not make an immediate difference on the ground but would help the Palestinians on their way to the real thing by giving them a diplomatic fillip. It should be encouraged, for reasons of both principle and practice.
The principle is simple: the Palestinians deserve a state, just as the Israelis do. The United States, the European Union and the Israeli government have all endorsed a two-state solution. There is broad agreement that the boundary should be based on the pre-1967 one, with land swaps allowing Israel to keep its biggest settlements close to the line, in return for the Palestinians gaining land elsewhere; Jerusalem should be shared; and the Palestinians should give up their claimed right of return to Israel proper. That still leaves much room for negotiation. But provided that the Palestinian request at the UN, still unfiled as The Economist went to press, does not undermine the basic terms of this deal, it is hard to see why any peacemaker, including America’s Barack Obama, should oppose a proposal that nudges Palestine closer to real statehood (see article).
The practical and procedural politics of the UN is trickier, but unless the last-minute negotiations deliver something dramatic, the arguments in favour of at least securing the Vatican option surely outweigh stasis. Israel’s government, led by Binyamin Netanyahu, and his backers abroad, especially in the United States Congress, insist that Palestinian statehood is premature: instead of going to the UN, the Palestinians should return to the negotiating table without tiresome preconditions, such as demanding a freeze on the building of Jewish settlements. Mr Obama, keen to reassert his pro-Israel credentials before next year’s election, seems likely to oppose even the Vatican option. Some congressmen are now preparing bills that would punish the Palestinians for their temerity.
This is barmy. The argument that the Palestinians must resume negotiations before getting statehood is specious. Why on earth should a change in status at the UN stop people talking? Besides, the negotiations have been going nowhere—and Mr Netanyahu has been the biggest stumbling-block. Since his grudging acceptance two years ago of the two-state principle, Israel’s prime minister has shown no eagerness or flexibility in his purported pursuit of a deal. Settlement-building on the West Bank, which he has refused to stop (barring a partial nine-month freeze), is no mere side issue; the Palestinians accurately liken it to the spectacle of two people negotiating over how to share a pizza while one of them continues to eat it. (Unlike the UN status, this does change things on the ground.) In his speech to Congress in May Mr Netanyahu refused to accept that Jerusalem, whose eastern Arab-populated part the Palestinians see as their capital, should be shared. He even inveighed against the notion that negotiations over the boundary should be on the basis of the pre-1967 line with swaps.
The Palestinians have hardly been faultless. Mahmoud Abbas, their leader, has often dithered. He muffed a half-chance for a deal with Mr Netanyahu’s predecessor, Ehud Olmert, three years ago. But he is the most peace-minded Palestinian leader the Israelis are likely to get. Were he now to back away from his UN bid, his clout among his own people would shrivel. The more extreme Palestinians, in particular the Islamists of Hamas, oppose the UN bid precisely because it would, if successful, strengthen the hand of their more flexible compatriots. If a UN resolution reaffirmed support for two states broadly along the 1967 border, those who reject Israel’s existence, calling for a single state on all the land encompassing Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, would be wrong-footed.
This is not to give Mr Abbas carte blanche. He should see whether the Europeans can produce anything (see Charlemagne). Assuming that his bid for full UN membership is blocked, he should rapidly revert to the Vatican option, along with a bevy of provisos to reassure the Israelis. He should agree to refrain from trying to arraign Israel in the International Criminal Court for its past actions. And at some point, Mr Abbas must admit to his people that most of the refugees will never return to Israel proper: that is the price of partition.
A more secure Israel amid the Arab spring
In truth, Israel will be safer when a proper Palestinian state has been consolidated. That is a point that too few Israelis and their American supporters appreciate. This newspaper has argued steadfastly for the right of Israel to exist. We abhor the creeping delegitimisation and demonisation of Israel. But we also believe that the Palestinians deserve a state of their own. These two beliefs are entirely compatible. By his intransigence Mr Netanyahu has played into the hands of those who would destroy Israel. In blocking any Palestinian aspirations at the UN, America is helping extremists on both sides.
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